Critiques against affirmative action are inescapably a
neoconservative vilification and denigration of minority groups, establishing
and ultimately trying to propagate a continuing narrative around the American
Dream that is essentially yet tactfully discriminatory. How else might The Cosby Show, despite all of Bill
Cosby’s efforts to assert its indifference to race (as if that were plausible),
possess evidential value for conservative ideologies against welfare programs
and the oh-so terribly parasitic entitlement programs extracting the economic
life force out of our federal government. It’s an ongoing Reagan type of rhetoric
cultivating a positive-negative binary revolving around race and class.
We don’t need federal assistance. We need a dose of ideological
enlightenment. We need to be reinvigorated with the successes of a diligent
Protestant work ethic. Federal programs can only do so much, but what we need
is that good ole pull yourself up by your
bootstraps attitude that fortified this country, which in no way could be
construed as a declaration imbedded with severe racial and class tensions. Don’t try to contextualize my proud American idioms with history. “The facts [The Cosby Show apparently] clearly show
that it works for minorities and poor children as well as the children of the
suburbs.”[i]
One can’t make an argument against affirmative action
without having to tackle the cultural images of the underserving minority and
the newly struggling yet deserving
white victims—unendorsed cultural images that have been given to minority
groups by their white officiaries. How can a policy of active and positive
discrimination attempting to bolster those who have been historically excluded
from so called inalienable rights and
liberties be reverse racism, when the
very idea of reverse racism depends
upon an immediate valorization of the discriminated, that posits them as
secondary or subordinate. A critique will always, whether explicit or not,
undervalue its effects and debase those it benefits.
Affirmative action produces no direct capital and, according
to the chant of the free-market fundamentalist, disenfranchises the poor struggling middle class white American.
Therefore it has no use, or if it did it’s run its course. It’s in a way similar toHerman
Gray’s essay, which he writes, “the recognition and engagement with blackness [in 1980s
television] were not for a moment driven by sudden cultural interest in black
matters or some noble aesthetic goals […] in a large part they were driven […]
by economics.”[ii] Commercialism.
Capital. Advertising Revenues. Niche Markets.
After dramatic shifts towards new and more austere
ownership, network engagement with blackness was primarily motivated by a
decrease of upper income viewers opting for more premium options like home
movies and pay cable; thus, creating desperate competition among the networks
to tap into new audiences and markets, that were in effect constrained to
commercial television. The “commercial networks soon discovered African
American audiences as a ready-made, already organized, and exploitable market
niche.”[iii]
They certainly weren’t about to shell out a lot of money to produce intensive
and expansive series like the primetime drama and movie of the week. The
commercial networks played it safe by limiting black shows to cost efficient
genres—situational comedies, entertainment/variety, talk programs—and the
advertisers followed. You can certainly
argue the benefits of the existence of such television in the 80s, but you
can’t wrest it away from its origin in cultural and socioeconomic capitalization.
What exploitable reserves does affirmative action posses?
Sorry if this is disjointed and seems like an incoherent rant.
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